The Price of Free Speech:
Regents v. Southworth
In Regents v. Southworth the U.S.
Supreme Court determined that so long as access to student fees is
allocated to registered student organizations on a viewpoint-neutral
basis, the First Amendment compelled speech doctrine does not prohibit a
university from imposing a mandatory student fee.
by Jon G. Furlow
he First Amendment forms the foundation for what
many consider to be defining American traits: individualism, boundless
creative expression, and the spirit of protest. The right to speak
freely is a cornerstone of the U.S. Constitution, even when that speech
could legitimately be considered vulgar.1
Justice Black captured the point in his defense of the Communist party:
freedom of speech "must be accorded to the ideas we hate or sooner or
later they will be denied to the ideas we cherish."2
So too the First Amendment protects the rights of
individuals from being compelled to speak or support causes that violate
our freedom of conscience. This right not to speak has been jealously
guarded since Thomas Jefferson's pointed warning in the early days of
our democracy:
"[T]hat to compel a man to furnish contributions of money for the
propagation of opinions which he disbelieves, is sinful and
tyrannical."
This principal finds its contemporary application in the endless
litigation over payment of mandatory dues to unions and bar
associations, including our own State Bar of Wisconsin.3
The Southworth Dispute
These two principles collided in Board of Regents of the
University of Wisconsin System v. Southworth.4 Southworth was a dispute over whether
students at the U.W.-Madison could be compelled to pay a mandatory
student fee that is used in part to fund student groups that engage in
political and ideological speech.
Like many public universities, the University of Wisconsin requires
students to pay a student fee as a condition of graduation. A portion of
the fee is used to fund registered student organizations, known as RSOs.
All RSOs are eligible to receive funding by submitting an application,
and many do. The system also allows for a referendum process that can be
used to fund or de-fund RSOs at the ballot box. Except for the
referendum process, the parties agreed that the process for an RSO to
obtain funding was viewpoint neutral; that is, funding was available
equally to all RSOs, without regard to the RSO's particular views.
The Clash of First Amendment Principles
The objecting students were three U.W.-Madison law school students.
They advanced a basic First Amendment claim well known to Thomas
Jefferson: the mandatory fee system compelled them to subsidize
political and ideological speech of RSOs that they found offensive.
Either the mandatory student fee system must go or, like union and state
bar members, the students had a First Amendment right to withhold their
student fee from these groups.
The University of Wisconsin posited an equally compelling First
Amendment defense. The use of student fees to subsidize RSOs serves a
core purpose of the University to facilitate a wide range of speech on
innumerable subjects. This essential purpose had been recognized by the
U.S. Supreme Court5, and was explicitly
defined in Wisconsin Statutes section
36.01. Far from infringing free speech, the subsidy system advanced
First Amendment goals by facilitating more speech.
Beneath the Constitutional principles, the underlying dispute in
Southworth was political. The law students were self-described
Christian conservatives who were reportedly funded and represented by a
conservative organization dedicated to de-funding the left. The students
wanted to win the right to withhold funding from groups at the
U.W.-Madison campus such as the U.W. Greens (a left-leaning
environmental group), the Wisconsin Public Interest Research Group (a
left-leaning public policy group), the Women's Center,
Lesbian/Gay/Bisexual Campus Center, and the Madison AIDS Support
Network. At bottom, the dispute recognized the direct relationship, well
known in political circles, between funding and effective speech.
The Legal Landscape
The debate over mandatory fees was not new. The question had been
squarely addressed in the union and bar association context where use of
mandatory fees was limited. Mandatory fees also were at issue and upheld
for generic advertising that arose from the Agricultural Marketing
Agreement Act.6 As to student fees, there
was a healthy split of authority, both in state and federal courts, on
whether mandatory student fee programs were constitutional. The
California Supreme Court and the Third Circuit had ruled that such
programs were unconstitutional7, the Second,
Fourth, Fifth, and Ninth Circuits, joined by the Washington Supreme
Court, had found similar student fee programs constitutional.8
The U.S. Supreme Court had acknowledged the difficulty of this issue
in a student fee case involving the University of Virginia,
Rosenberger v. Rector & Visitors of the University of
Virginia.9 The question there was not
whether students could be compelled to pay a mandatory fee; the question
was whether the University of Virginia could prevent the use of the
funds to defray costs of a student-run religious publication on the
basis that the funding would violate the First Amendment Establishment
Clause.
In a splintered 5-4 opinion, the U.S. Supreme Court decided against
the University of Virginia. The Court concluded that the fee system was
akin to a public forum. As such, withholding funds from a participant in
the forum was impermissible viewpoint discrimination that was not
otherwise justified by the Establishment Clause concerns that arose from
providing funds to support a religious viewpoint.10 The teaching from Rosenberger was that
once a university opened a forum, it was required by the First Amendment
to allow all student groups, regardless of viewpoint, to participate in
the forum, even if it meant that funds would be used for defraying
printing costs for a religious publication.
The Lower Court Decisions in Southworth
The students in Southworth prevailed in both the district
court and the Seventh Circuit. Both courts adopted the analysis from the
union and bar association cases to protect students from being compelled
to support organizations that engage in political and ideological speech
with which the students objected.11
The Seventh Circuit denied the motion for rehearing and suggestions
for rehearing en banc, although three members of the Seventh Circuit,
Judges Rovner, Wood, and Evans, dissented from the denial of rehearing
on the basis that the fee system that makes a subsidy available to all
student groups alike furthers the purpose of the First Amendment by
enhancing speech.12
The Supreme Court Decides
The Supreme Court granted certiorari and, in a unanimous
decision with a concurrence, reversed on the merits and remanded the
portion of the case that involved the referendum process.
The Supreme Court did not abandon the compelled speech doctrine from
the union and state bar cases, but used them as the "beginning point of
the analysis"13 to highlight the need to
provide First Amendment protection to the students. In the union and bar
cases, the members' First Amendment rights were protected by limiting
the use of the mandatory dues to only those activities "germane" to the
functions of the bar or union. This requirement ensured that members
would be required only to contribute to the core facets of the
organization from which they draw some benefit.14 They would not be forced to violate their
freedom of conscience by making compelled contributions to objectionable
partisan political or ideological causes.
Defining the core mission of a university in Southworth
posed a more difficult problem, and the Supreme Court decided that the
"germaneness" standard was unworkable in the University context. Already
the Supreme Court had been experiencing difficulty applying the
germaneness test to union and state bar activity, as demonstrated by the
fractured opinion in Lehnert v. Ferris Faculty Ass'n.15 To now export that standard to the university
setting would compound the difficulty. Unlike the relatively focused
missions of a union or a state bar, the mission of a university is far
broader, more undefined and is "distinguished not by discernable limits
but by its vast unexplored bounds."16
Another form of protection was needed for the objecting students, and
it came in the form of viewpoint neutrality. So long as access to the
pool of funds generated by the student fees is allocated to RSOs on a
viewpoint neutral basis, the Supreme Court concluded that the First
Amendment compelled speech doctrine does not prohibit a university from
imposing a mandatory student fee. This rule directly addressed the
concern of the compelled speech doctrine: to protect an individual's
freedom of conscience by preventing the state from forcing an individual
to become associated with an objectionable message.
The paradigm is the New Hampshire statute that prohibited motorists
from obscuring the motto "Live Free or Die" on their license
plate.17 The motorist prevailed, and the
statute was struck down because the state had forced the motorist to
carry the state's ideological message. Likewise, in the union and state
bar cases the members won the right to limit the use of funds to prevent
the organization from using their funds to support a singular, partisan
objective.
By contrast, imposing a viewpoint neutral requirement on a student
fee system eliminated the concern of a student being misidentified with
an objectionable message. It is just as likely that the funded speech
supports one viewpoint (for example, a Campus Republican rally or
Federalist Society Meeting) as it does another, conflicting viewpoint
(for example, Campus Democrats or the U.W. Greens). Put another way, the
constitutional links between the individual and the message that it
required in a compelled speech case does not exist if the message is a
babel.
This construct was borrowed from conventional public forum analysis.
Government is permitted to devote public resources for public use, so
long as access to the public resource is made equally available for use.
The usual circumstance is a public park. Taxes subsidize the
maintenance, upkeep, and at times the creation of a park. Yet no one
believes that all taxpayers support the various messages in the rallies
or demonstrations in the park. And while many taxpayers may be genuinely
offended by the speech taking place in the park, the answer is not to
close the park or deny access to those with whom we disagree, even
though they may be the Nazi party or the Ku Klux Klan.18 The First Amendment answer is to hold a counter
demonstration to generate contrary speech and let the "marketplace of
ideas" sort out the truth.19
Applying the public forum analysis to nonspatial
fora such as pools of money was not entirely new. The Supreme Court had
applied public forum analysis to require equal access to an internal
mailbox system20, and in
Rosenberger had characterized the student fee system as a
limited public forum, albeit one "more in a metaphysical than in a
spatial or geographic sense."21
Southworth was a logical application from these cases. The
decision places the university in the functionally equivalent position
of the public park administrator who must allocate park or parade
permits. So long as the university has opened a resource for public use,
it must allow access to all groups equally whether or not the university
agrees or disagrees with the group's message.
Grafting the viewpoint neutrality principle into the student fee
context has a particular resonance in the university setting. Even more
so than a public park, the university setting is traditionally thought
of as a place for experimentation of ideas and vigorous:
"The classroom is peculiarly the 'marketplace of ideas.' The Nation's
future depends upon leaders trained through wide exposure to that robust
exchange of ideas which discovers truth 'out of a multitude of tongues,
[rather] than through any kind of authoritative selection.'"22
Not only have faculty been accorded wide First Amendment berth23, but the First Amendment has protected the
rights of students to gain equal access to facilities to conduct
meetings for groups as controversial as the Students for a Democratic
Society.24
By the same reasoning, the requirement of viewpoint neutrality raises
significant questions about the referendum process at U.W.-Madison that
permitted students to vote on funding decisions. Since the point of
viewpoint neutrality was to provide First Amendment protection
to objecting students, it is easy to understand why a referendum
allowing voting on funding is suspect. Minority viewpoints could,
through funding restrictions, be swept away at the voting booth by
majority rule.
Returning to the public park analogy, funding decisions based on
popular vote would be akin to allowing the issuance of permits for parks
and other public fora based on popular vote. In either case, the views
of less popular groups would be voted down and the marketplace of ideas
improperly skewed. Prior to Southworth, the analysis of
referenda systems to allocate student fees had yielded mixed results. A
system with a binding referenda had been struck down25, while an advisory referenda system had been
upheld.26 Because the record was not fully
developed on this issue, the Supreme Court ultimately remanded that
issue for further consideration.
Future Program Guidance
Not all universities are alike. While a university is "entitled to
impose a mandatory fee to sustain an open dialogue" to promote its
educational mission, the Supreme Court was careful to state that a
university is under no First Amendment obligation to offer a mandatory
fee program to subsidize student groups. Like government generally,
public universities have considerable, albeit not unlimited, freedom to
choose what programs to support financially.27
A university choosing to impose a mandatory student fee also has
considerable leeway to structure a student fee program. Although not
constitutionally required, a university is free to allow an optional
payment or a refund mechanism. To take an example, a check-off system
like the one approved in Buckley v. Valeo would seem to be
permissible.28 The question left unresolved
is whether the check-off would apply generally to the fund, whether a
student could refuse to contribute to particular groups, or whether
students would be allowed to opt into subsidizing certain groups but not
others.
As a constitutional matter, the Supreme Court rejected any geographic
limitations on student fee programs, "[w]e make no distinction between
campus activities and off-campus expressive activities of objectionable
RSOs." That, however, does not foreclose restricting a student fee
program to the campus confines. A university is also free to define
whether the geographic limits of a program can extend beyond campus. The
public forum model would support this limitation as a limited public
forum.
Viewpoint Neutrality Is Essential
Implicit from the Court's analysis is the caution that viewpoint
neutrality must be taken seriously. We have a rich and unfortunate
history of dogged efforts to silence unpopular speech under various
guises. Groups like the Nazi party and the Ku Klux Klan are the usual
targets, and the Supreme Court has made it clear that the First
Amendment is not selective in its application.29 Student fee programs are subject to the same
scrutiny if they are administered in such a way to prevent equal access
to a student group for a viewpoint-based reason.
The possibilities are not difficult to imagine. Funding decisions
could be manipulated so that less popular student groups with minority
political or ideological views will receive lower levels of funding, or
no funding at all. Although subtler than holding a binding referendum to
de-fund a minority student group, the discriminatory effect is the same:
the First Amendment protections of minority viewpoints are
eliminated.
Southworth provides important precedent to challenge that
type of conduct.
This Is Not Government Speech
While Southworth was a broad endorsement of free speech and
debate in the university setting, there were explicit limitations. Most
important, the challenged speech was not that of the University of
Wisconsin, but was student speech:
"The University's whole justification for fostering the challenged
expression is that it springs from the initiative of the students, who
alone give it purpose and content in the course of their extracurricular
endeavors."30
The difference matters.
Government speech is subject to a separate First Amendment analysis,
and the Court explicitly warned that the viewpoint neutrality standard
does not apply when examining First Amendment challenges to the
decisions by a university or its faculty.31
Those decisions are governed by the government speech doctrine that does
not require viewpoint neutrality, but recognizes that government has
wide discretion to fund programs and speech that it values, and decline
funding for speech it does not value.32 The
only limitation is when government has allocated its funding in such a
way to discriminate invidiously in an effort to aim at the suppression
of dangerous ideas.33
The Concern Over Speech Codes
The concurring opinion by Justice Souter, joined by Justices Stevens
and Breyer, hinted at another concern: university speech codes.34 The concern was aimed at limiting the
broad-based principle that a university is well within its bounds in the
interest of academic freedom to pursue programs that facilitate a broad
array of student speech. While expansive, the authority of the
university to define its missions is not unlimited, particularly when it
does so in a way to burden First Amendment rights.
Jon G. Furlow, Minnesota 1986, is a partner in
the litigation group at the Madison office of Michael Best &
Friedrich LLP. He was counsel of record for the ACLU of Wisconsin, an
amicus party, throughout the Southworth case, and counsel of
record for ACLU and People for the American Way in the U.S. Supreme
Court Southworth proceedings. In addition to his practice
involving commercial litigation, he is often involved in First Amendment
issues. |
Speech codes come into play. They often have been justified as
necessary to protect the right to an open academic environment free from
hostile or demeaning harassment.35 Even
though speech codes arguably further academic freedom like student fees,
they undeniably operate to restrict rather than expand speech. To warn
against taking the broad endorsement academic freedom in
Southworth too far, the concurring opinion was clear that
Southworth should have been decided on narrower grounds with
the academic freedom reasoning as only an important consideration in the
First Amendment analysis.
The Debate Is Not Over
While Southworth provided clear guidance in student fee
programs, the debate is not over. It will now move to the student
government where RSOs will clamor to get a fair share of funding to put
out their own message. That would be a welcome First Amendment
response.
Endnotes
1 Cohen v. California, 403 U.S. 15 (1971).
2 Communist Party v. Subversive Activities Control
Bd., 367 U.S. 1, 137 (1961).
3 Abood v. Detroit Bd. of Educ., 431 U.S. 209
(1977); Keller v. State Bar of California, 496 U.S. 1 (1990);
see also Thiel v.
State Bar of Wisconsin, 94 F. 3d 399 (7th Cir. 1996).
4 Board of
Regents of the Univ. of Wis. Sys. v. Southworth, __ U.S. __,
120 S. Ct. 1346 (2000).
5 Keyishian v. Board of Regents, 385 U.S. 589
(1967); Sweezy v. New Hampshire, 354 U.S. 234 (1967).
6 Glickman
v. Wileman Brothers & Ellioti Inc., 521 U.S. 457
(1997).
7 Smith v. Regents of the Univ. of California, 4
Cal. 4th 843, 844 P.2d 500 (Sup. Ct.) cert. denied, 510 U.S.
863 (1993); Galda v. Rutgers, 772 F. 2d 1060 (3d Cir. 1985)
cert. denied, 475 U.S. 1065 (1986).
8 Carroll v. Blinken, 957 F. 2d 991 (2d Cir.)
cert. denied, 506 U.S. 906 (1982); Kania v. Fordham,
702 F. 2d 475 (4th Cir. 1983); Hays County Guardian v. Supple,
969 F. 2d 111 (5th Cir. 1992), cert. denied, 506 U.S. 1087
(1993); Rounds
v. Oregon State Bd. of Education, 166 F. 3d 1032 (9th Cir.
1999); Good v. Associated Students of the Univ. of Washington,
86 Wash. 2d 94, 542 P.2d 762 (Sup. Ct. 1975).
9 Rosenberger
v. Rector & Visitors of the Univ. of Virginia, 515 U.S. 819
(1995).
10 Id.
11 Southworth v. Grebe, No. 96 C 292S, slip op.
(W.D. Wis. filed Nov. 29, 1996); Southworth
v. Grebe, 151 F. 2d 717 (7th Cir. 1998).
12 Southworth
v. Grebe, 157 F. 3d 1125 (7th Cir.1998).
13 Southworth,
120 S. Ct. at 1354.
14 E.g. International Machinists v. Street, 367
U.S. 740, 778 (1961).
15 Southworth,
120 S. Ct. at 1355; Lehnert
v. Ferris Faculty Ass'n, 500 U.S. 507 (1991); see also Thiel v.
State Bar of Wisconsin, 94 F. 3d 399 (7th Cir. 1996).
16 Southworth,
120 S. Ct. at 1355.
17 Wooley v. Maynard, 430 U.S. 705 (1977).
18 Collin v. Smith, 578 F. 2d 1197 (7th Cir.
1978).
19 Keyishian v. Board of Regents, 385 U.S. 589
(1967).
20 Cornelius v. NAACP Legal Defense & Educ. Fund
Inc., 473 U.S. 788 (1985); Perry Educ. Ass'n v. Perry Local
Educators' Ass'n, 460 U.S. 37 (1983).
21 Rosenberger,
515 U.S. at 830.
22 United States v. Associated Press, 52 F. Supp.
362, 372.
23 Keyishian v. Board of Regents, 385 U.S. 589
(1967); Sweezy v. New Hampshire, 354 U.S. 234 (1967).
24 Healy v. James, 408 U.S. 169 (1969).
25 Galda v. Rutgers, 772 F.2d 1060 (3d Cir.
1985), cert. denied, 475 U.S. 1065 (1986).
26 Carroll v. Blinken, 957 F.2d 991 (2d Cir.)
cert. denied, 506 U.S. 906 (1992).
27 E.g. Regan v. Taxation with Representation,
461 U.S. 540 (1983).
28 Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976).
29 Collin v. Smith, 578 F. 2d 1197 (7th Cir.
1978); Capitol
Square Review and Advisory Bd. v. Pinette, 515 U.S. 753 (1995);
Forsyth
County v. Nationalist Movement, 505 U.S. 123 (1992).
30 Southworth,
120 S. Ct. at 1354.
31 Id.
at 1357.
32 Regan v. Taxation with Representation, 461
U.S. 540 (1983); Rust v.
Sullivan, 500 U.S. 173 (1991).
33 Cammarano v. United States, 358 U.S. 498
(1959).
34 Southworth,
120 S. Ct. at 1357 fn. 5 (Souter concurring).
35 Dambrot
v. Central Michigan Univ., 55 F. 3d 1177 (6th Cir. 1995);
UWM Post v. Board of Regents of Univ. of Wisconsin, 774 F.
Supp. 1163 (E.D. Wis. 1991); Doe v. University of Michigan, 721
F. Supp. 852 (E.D. Mich. 1989).
Wisconsin Lawyer