Wisconsin
Lawyer
Vol. 81, No. 2, February
2008
Letters
Letters to the
editor: The Wisconsin Lawyer publishes as many letters in each
issue as space permits. Please limit letters to 500 words; letters may
be edited for length and clarity. Letters should address the issues, and
not be a personal attack on others. Letters endorsing political
candidates cannot be accepted. Please mail letters to " Letters to the
Editor," Wisconsin Lawyer, P.O. Box 7158, Madison, WI 53707-7158, fax
them to (608) 257-4343, or
email them
.
Clarification to Marital Property Act Effect on Debt
My article "After the Split: The Marital Property Act's Effects
on Debt
After Marriage" was published in the November 2007
Wisconsin Lawyer. After hearing some feedback, I felt the need to
clarify a significant point. In my article,
I said that bankruptcy courts have found modifications to divorce
judgments to
be appropriate. That statement, while broadly correct, contained an
inadvertent pitfall for practitioners.
Specifically, in In re Zick, Judge McGarity noted that
while amendments
to divorce judgments might be allowed when there are issues of spousal
maintenance or child support, the Zick case involved only
property division and so a
modification of the divorce judgment was not allowed. In fact, the court
sanctioned the lawyer and his client for trying to do so in violation of
the
bankruptcy court's automatic stay.
A detailed discussion of the interplay between the bankruptcy
rules and
Wisconsin's divorce laws was beyond the scope of my article; my point in
writing now is to clarify that counsel needs to act carefully when a
bankruptcy has
been filed. Courts have varied on exactly when such modifications are
appropriate, and there is no blanket rule. Two good sources of further
information on
these subjects are Sommer and McGarity, Collier Family Law and the
Bankruptcy
Code, and State Bar CLE Books' Marital Property Law in
Wisconsin, Third Edition.
Briane F. Pagel Jr., Madison
Relative Caregivers Should be Able to Advocate for Children's
Placement
Elizabeth Neary's September article, "In The Best Interest of
Children:
When Foster Parents May Keep Placement," did an excellent job of
highlighting
the opportunities and obstacles in obtaining a safe, permanent, loving
home
for children when parents are unwilling or unable to provide it.
In a footnote of the article, Ms. Neary mentions that another
obstacle
in terms of standing may occur when the caretaker is not a licensed
foster
parent but instead is a relative with whom the child has been placed.
Foster
parents who have had placement of a child for more than six months are
entitled to
an evidentiary hearing if they object to a change in placement of their
foster child. Relatives do not have this right. The reason this should
be of
interest to the bar and to the general public is that the vast majority
of children
who are being cared for by someone other than a biological parent are
being
cared for by a relative. Many of these relatives are not licensed foster
parents.
Relative caregivers who have cared for children for six months
or
longer should have the same right to advocate for children placed with
them by an
agency as a foster parent currently has, specifically:
- Adequate notice of intent to change placement by the agency
responsible
for carrying out the child's dispositional order (30 days if a
nonemergency);
- Ability to object to a change of placement and receive an
administrative hearing on the issue;
- Assurance that the child cannot be removed on a nonemergency basis
before the hearing is completed; and
- Kinship caregivers afforded a process to appeal false allegations.
Basic rights such as these will go a long way in helping
relatives
provide safety and permanence for related children who are placed in
their home.
Anita R. Cruise, Milwaukee
Law School Debt Keeps Young Lawyers from Smaller Communities
The article "Recruiting Lawyers to Smaller Communities" in
the October issue
did a nice job of discussing some of the challenges faced by small
communities
in attracting and retaining young attorneys. However, it overlooked one
glaring aspect, the cost of legal education today combined with lower
salaries in smaller communities.
The truth is the average law school graduate leaves
school with a heavy
debt burden. The realities of large student-loan repayment demand that a
recent
graduate take a higher paying position, which typically is found in a
larger
community. The sad fact is that the rising cost of a legal
education is forcing
young attorneys away from firms and corporations in smaller
communities. While it
is true that smaller communities may not be attractive to
some because of the
perception that "there is nothing to do" or that practicing in
a small town
might seem dull, please do not discount the role student-loan repayment
plays in
the decision of where to practice law.
Name Withheld by Request
Voters Alone Should Determine Fitness of Judicial Candidates
In his January 2008 article, president Thomas J. Basting Sr. says the
Bar
should "Take Politics Out of Judicial Selection." He has
pushed the formation of
the Judicial Campaign Integrity Committee to educate voters on what
judges do and
to monitor the coming Wisconsin Supreme Court campaign.
The State Bar should keep its nose out of politics and let the
voters
learn who is fit to be a judge through vigorous open campaigning. Voters
deserve
to know what a judge candidate has done and will do on interpreting
Wisconsin
law. It's not unfair to talk about the judge's past rulings and behavior
and
not unfair to ask sharp questions as to who backs a candidate's
campaign.
Mr. Basting tries to tell us his committee is neutral and
bipartisan, but
the members are Democrats, university professors, a community activist,
and a
writer for the Capital Times (more Democrats). The committee will
use www.WiFairCourts.com to put out its press releases.
My Bar dues help
finance this political gambit. This bad idea is a restriction of
campaign free
speech and an attempt to ensure that Justice Louis Butler keeps his job
and keeps
on delivering goodies to the leftist trial bar, the guys who now own our
State
Bar and are buying the judges they like.
Thomas R. Jones, Milwaukee
Explaining the Importance of Tripartite Government
As I prepared to give an important presentation to a class of about
30
second graders, I pondered how best to explain tripartite government,
participatory democracy, and the rule of law to an audience of 7- and
8-year-olds in 10
minutes or less. I settled on a skit developed by the State Bar about a
police officer who takes it on himself to adopt, enforce, and rule on
the issuance of
a traffic citation. This simple story is one most kids understand. It
allows
them to participate in the short skit and very effectively communicates
to the
children the danger of the consolidation of legislative, executive, and
judicial power in any one person or entity. I think that is a timely
message for all
of us to consider.
The recent Wisconsin budget process exemplifies such a concern.
An
extensive veto authority effectively grants the governor a
quasi-legislative role in
appropriations bills. The power originates in article V, sec. 10 of the
Wisconsin Constitution, but it has become the most extensive
gubernatorial veto in
the country through expansive use by Wisconsin governors and affirming
judicial decisions (Benjamin W. Proctor, Wisconsin's Chief
Legislator: The
Governor's Partial Veto Authority and the New Tipping
Point, 90 Marq. L. Rev. 739, 740 (2007)). The Wisconsin Constitution
provides: "Appropriation bills may be
approved in whole or in part by the governor, and the part approved
shall
become law" (Wis. Const. art. V, sec. 10(1)(b)). The innocuous word
"part" has
been distinguished from the term "item," used by many other
states to designate
the limits of veto authority, to justify broad veto authority in
Wisconsin, even
to permit changing the meaning of nonappropriation legislation placed
within
an omnibus budget bill (Sundby v. Adamany, 71 Wis. 2d 118, 237
N.W.2d 910
(1976); see also Wisconsin Senate v.
Thompson, 114 Wis. 2d 429, 424 N.W.2d 385
(1988)). Gov. Doyle recently used such a veto to affirmatively
legislate, through a
budget bill, a new right for law enforcement officers to seek binding
arbitration as an alterative to the nonpartisan and judicially reviewed
local police
and fire commissions created under Wis. Stat. section 62.13. Regardless
of the
merits of this specific veto, it exemplifies the present scope of the
veto
authority to create new legislative policy having nothing to do with the
state budget.
By amendment in 1990, one aspect of the broad veto power was
limited by
the following clause: "In approving an appropriation bill in part,
the governor
may not create a new word by rejecting individual letters in the words
of an
enrolled bill" (Wis. Const. art. V, sec. 10(1)(c)). However, a
large omnibus
budget bill still allows the governor substantial ability to create
legislation
of completely new meaning and effect through the crossing out of words
to
create new sentences, the so-called Frankenstein Veto power. While this
practice
could be reduced through legislative restraint to keep nonappropriation
issues out
of the state budget, the recent budget provided little evidence that
such
restraint is likely. The leading example was the senate's attempt to
adopt a form of
universal health care, certainly a significant stand-alone policy issue,
through the state budget. The author of the cited Marquette Law Review
article
suggests a "targeted" constitutional amendment is needed to
address the Frankenstein
Veto and restore our "traditional concepts of separation of
power" (90 Marq. L.
Rev. at 764).
The long established checks and balances of tripartite
government are
being bent and blurred by the continued use of an executive veto that
permits
the creation of new legislative policy. Our system requires that
legislation
pass through the crucible of both the legislative and executive branches
before
possible review and interpretation by the judiciary. Absent all these
checks,
vitally important decisions are made by too few individuals and by those
with special access to and influence on those few. The decision-makers
can be
well intentioned, but we place our collective faith in a constitutional
government founded in a system of checks and balances. It is a message I
shared with
the second graders this fall.
Stephen C. Nick, Eau Claire
Endnote Correction to "Mortgage Meltdown" Article
The December 2007 article "Main Street Meets Wall Street: The
Mortgage
Meltdown" is missing a citation signal. The signal to endnote 9
should have appeared
at the end of the penultimate sentence in paragraph 10. The sentence
should
read: Consequently, the number of subprime loans
soared.9 The signal and citation appear correctly in the
endnotes. -
WL Editors
Wisconsin
Lawyer